COUNTERACTING
CASTRO PROPAGANDA
March 1961 (two documents)
Translation from Spanish of a Memorandum
by Dr. Luis Aguilar Leon
[Reference: Dade County OCB file #153-D]
DATE: March 9, 1961
TO: THOMAS J. KELLY, Metropolitan Sheriff
FROM: LT. FRANK KAPPEL, Supervisor, Criminal Intelligence
SUBJECT: CUBAN COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITIES, F.R.D. -
ADDITIONAL INFORMATION
Recent developments in the Cuban situation involving the anti-Castro factions
have prompted this Unit to investigate certain rumors which could, if allowed
to circulate, develop into a crisis with catastrophic effects for the U.S.
position in Latin America.
The origin of these assertions is multiple and stems from the not so secret
struggle for power among the anti-Castro groups closely connected with the
Frente Revolucionario Democratico.
It is also evident that the preparations for the ultimate effort to overthrow
the CASTRO regime have reached the final stages. The only obstacle
to this is the continuous bickering of the groups over ideological and political
trivialities.
The main reason for this dissension is the formation of the provisional
government which will have to take actual possession of part of the Cuban
territory in order to gain support and recognition from other governments.
Several Latin American countries which have broken diplomatic relations
with CASTRO'S Cuba are willing to recognize a provisional government opposed
to CASTRO. Nationalist China has agreed in principle to do the same.
At present there are only three organizations which have enough support
both in exile and in Cuba to make their weight felt in the negotiations
that have been taking place in New York and Washington during the past week.
The Frente Revolucionario Democratico, M.R.P. and the 30th of November Movement
are the three organizations which sent representatives to a preliminary meeting
that took place in Washington on March 4, 1961.
The Frente Revolucionario Democratico is by far the best organized, with
an army, estimated to be 5,000 strong, trained in guerrilla warfare.
This organization is formed by six anti-Castro groups and has received sanction
and financial backing from the U.S. Government since its conception.
The power behind the scenes in this political crisis is a C.I.A. agent
known to the majority of the Cubans as Mr. B., an abbreviation of his name
FRANK BENDER.
It is the consensus of every leader connected with the counter-revolutionary
activities that Mr. BENDER is the only policy making contact they have with
the Central Intelligence Agency. Information received from responsible
leaders revealed that Mr. BENDER is a highly qualified expert who is considered
to have been responsible for the reorganization of West Germany and the consequent
strengthening of German-American relations. After this successful
mission, Mr. BENDER was transferred to Formosa where he helped reorganize
Chiang Kai-Shek's government and army.
In June 1960, Mr. BENDER undertook the task of binding together a few
of the most eligible anti-CASTRO groups into an organization that could
not only oppose CASTRO politically, but count on a strong nucleus of trained
guerrillas for active opposition and sabotage.
On June 22, 1960 five groups, after a conference in Mexico City, formed
the F.R.D. Immediately afterward, Mr. BENDER met with representatives
of the Frente in New York to formulate plans for military training.
Mr. BENDER, according to the Cuban sources, has a flair for cloak and
dagger meetings when dealing with emissaries from the Frente. Mexico
City was selected on purpose to avoid drawing attention and consequent denunciations
from the CASTRO regime.
One of the Frente emissaries revealed that at the initial meeting for
the formulation of military plans, Mr. BENDER introduced himself as an industrialist
from Pittsburgh. The emissary had many contacts in that particular
city and was able to ascertain that Mr. BENDER had no connections whatsoever
with the firm he claimed to represent. This is of course raised doubts
as to Mr. B.'s intentions and also irked the representative who felt somewhat
slighted by this approach.
Other sources have criticized Mr. BENDER's furtive ways of calling for
meetings in motels and other places that, although safe security-wise, appear
unsuitable to the dignity of the Cubans.
It is evident that Mr. BENDER has not yet mastered the complicated Latin
mind and often irks the Cubans with his no-nonsense attitude apparently acquired
from his experiences in West Germany. Most Cubans agree though, that
Mr. BENDER has been able, with the help of military experts, to create one
of the best trained guerrilla contingents in the world.
In order to achieve this, Mr. BENDER and his assistant Mr. [E Howard]
HUNT, have isolated the troops from their leaders, who, in theory, were
to assume command after the training had been completed. The Frente
had selected COL. EDUARDO MARTIN ELENA as military coordinator for the volunteers
who were recruited in Miami and then sent to the training camps in the mountains
of Guatemala. COL. HAWKINS and a nucleus of U.S. Officers and Non-Coms
were in charge of training in the F.R.D. camps.
Most of the responsible leaders of the F.R.D. agree that the military
figures selected to command the troops lack fighting experience and are
unsuitable for effective leadership in the field. On the other hand,
they emphasize the necessity of Cuban leadership for morale purposes, which
is said o have suffered lately because of the aforementioned situation.
It has been learned that a request by the six leaders of the Frente to
spend Christmas with the troops in the training camps was turned down with
a flimsy excuse. This request was made on December 22, 1960 and was
vetoed by Mr. BENDER who stated that the means of transportation were not
adequate, meaning that the aircraft to be used was not safe. The Cubans
took this for what it was meant to be: an attempt to keep the political branch
away from the troops.
The troops had been carefully screened to prevent infiltration of Castro
agents on one hand and individuals deeply involved with the BATISTA regime
on the other. The location of the camps has been a closely guarded
secret with only a recent disclosure of the whereabouts of the depot located
near the Pacific Coast of Guatemala. Both the number of camps and men
are a matter of speculation among Cubans because no one is allowed to leave
the training camps after arrival.
The efforts to keep the Army away from the aspirations of the political
leaders created a vacuum between the Cuban military command based in Miami
and the troops in training in the Guatemalan mountains. The situation
deteriorated toward the end of January when COL. MARTIN ELENA and his staff
resigned in protest.
The only leader who had free access to the camps was MANUEL ARTIME BUESA
[photo left] of the M.R.R. who stayed for considerable time among the troops.
This favoritism aroused considerable resentment among the other leaders of
the Frente who accused ARTIME of trying to captivate Mr. BENDER's favors.
A hastily arranged visit to the camps permitted the Frente leaders to
have a brief contact with the troops due to the impatience that had develop
after their training had been completed. The visit received wide publicity
and a number of photographs taken in the camps were released to the press.
On January 25, 1961 Mr. BENDER called for an executive meeting to be held
at his residence at 8:00 PM. All the Frente leaders had been invited
as this was to be decisive meeting.

At 8:00 PM, DR. MANUEL A. DE VARONA [photo left] of the Rescate Revolucionario
Democratico, DR. MANUEL ARTIME BUESA of the Movement of Revolutionary Recovery,
DR. JUSTO CARRILLO of the Agrupacion Montecristi and RICARDO R. SARDINA of
the Sugar Growers Association, arrived at Mr. BENDER's residence and learned
from DR. ARTIME that the meeting had been canceled. DR. ARTIME revealed
that he had the key to the apartment and the four decided to hold the meeting
just the same.
At 9:00 PM DR. JOSE RASCO [photo left] of the Christian Democratic Movement
appeared and stated that he had been invited to a meeting for 9:00 PM.
The difference in time surprised those present who received a greater surprise
when at 10:00 PM MANUEL COVO, leader of A.A.A. arrived and revealed that
Mr. BENDER had invited him for that exact time.
This schedule left the Cubans baffled and they concluded that Mr. BENDER
intended to play one against the other for reasons unknown.
The morale of the Cuban leaders and, consequently, that of most other
Cubans involved in the struggle to overthrow Castro, has suffered considerably
because of the lack of comprehension, mistrust and disregard for national
pride on the part of the American agents in charge of this operation.
The prevalent feeling among Cubans is that the United States wants to
eliminate Castro because of the threat he poses to the Western Hemisphere
but does not give the impression that it is willing to correct the mistakes
which helped bring Castro to power. They add that they are grateful
for the material and financial help received but they also believe that they
are entitled to a greater participation in the policy-making stages of the
operations. While Mr. BENDER's intentions are considered above-board
his attitude towards the Cubans draws nothing but criticism. The main
reason for the criticism stems from the fact that most of Mr. BENDER's actions
are guided by personal preferences and frequent allusions to the economic
help he is granting the Cuban revolutionaries. A statement to that
effect has been made by Mr. BENDER to DR. LUIS AGUILAR LEON during an interview
that took place last summer.
According to AGUILAR's signed statements, Mr. BENDER's reply to a request
for arms aid an economic help to support the underground forces of his movement
was almost cynical. Mr. BENDER is quoted as saying, "I can disband
the Frente in ten minutes, all I have to do is withdraw my checkbook".
This was to emphasize that only the Frente was the recipient of direct economic
aid while all other anti-Castro groups would receive moral support, encouragement,
and some arms if and when his military advisors approved the destination
and reception. (Attached is a translation of AGUILAR LEON's statement.)
Mr. BENDER's attitude has prompted most Cubans who come in contact with
him to refer to him as the "Proconsul". Another cause for friction
and consequent disillusionment is a singular arrangement, devised by Mr.
BENDER's advisers, to man the vessels that supply the underground forces
in Cuba. During an interview with the Chief of Naval Operations of
the Cuban Navy in exile, COMMANDER RENATO DIAZ, the writer has learned that
the morale of the Cuban crews that man the supply vessels in at a low ebb.
According to COMMANDER DIAZ, the U.S. agents in charge of the operation
have put the Cuban officers and men under the command of mercenary captains
contracted on a yearly basis of $20,000.00. The captains are foreign
nationals and consider themselves as domesticated pirates in contrast to
the Cubans who view the operation as a sacred mission to liberate their country
from a tyrant.
In addition the captains bypass the Cuban executive officers when they
come in contact with the non-Cuban personnel working on the vessels.
A segregated mess exists for the Cuban crew while the non-Cuban crew members
eat in the officers mess.
COMMANDER DIAZ cited an incident that occurred very recently when a non-Cuban
crew member pushed aside the Cuban cook who, on orders from the captain,
refused to allow the crewman to help himself to a beer. According to
COMMANDER DIAZ no disciplinary action was taken against the crewmen.
A recent decision to open a recruiting office for additional volunteers
has created alarm and resentment among most Cubans who are concerned with
the repercussions that such a decision can have inside Cuba.
Towards the end of February a C.I.A. - sponsored recruiting office opened
at 1045 S.W. 27th Avenue and was staffed with individuals of dubious morality
and character. The person in charge of the office is ROBERTO CARDENAS,
former commander of the military airport in Camaguey under HUBERT [Huber]
MATOS. CARDENAS left Camaguey after MATOS' arrest and asked for political
asylum in the United States. At his arrival he alleged that he knew
the circumstances of CAMILO CIENFUEGO's assassination but he offered no corroborating
evidence to support his allegations.
CARDENAS employs DR. ANTONIO LAMAS as medical examiner for the recruits,
who are required to pass a physical examination prior to being accepted.
DR. LAMAS is married to the daughter of FULGENCIO BATISTA and was rewarded
by BATISTA with the directorship of the Insane Asylum of Havana.
Among CARDENAS' close associations is HUMBERTO TRUEBA former mayor of
San Cristobal and reputed to be a Castro spy. TRUEBA's name appeared
on a list containing the names of Castro agents operating in Miami.
This list was allegedly stolen from the Cuban Consulate last October.
TRUEBA participated in the leaflet-dropping incident which took place
in Aruba, Netherlands W. Indies in November 1959. TRUEBA has been
a TRUJILLO agent in Miami and although he denied any participation in the
leaflet-dropping meant for MARACAIBO, VENEZUELA, the writer found an original
copy of the leaflet signed by TRUEBA among papers seized from Chafardet URBINA.
CHAFARDET URBINA was a Venezuelan agent working for TRUJILLO. (See cases
#56442-B, 12-3-59 and #17374-C, 3-30-60.)
Among the recruits who reached the training depot were the vitriolic editor
of ROLANDO MASFERRER's newspaper, CEFERINO PEREZ CARRIL and CANDIDO MORA,
a BATISTA henchman accused of the murder of his own brother.
Such was the outcry raised by responsible Cubans that the office had to
suspend operations for a few days after Under-Secretary MORALES CARRION
was contacted by telephone. The recruiting has resumed and individuals
like SILITO TABERNILLA, [Esteban] VENTURA, [Rolando] MASFERRER et al have
applied for enlistment. It is easy to imagine the anti-American propaganda
barrage that FIDEL CASTRO will unleash against the United States in general
and the Frente in particular when his agents furnish him with the available
information.
The mention of the names of TABERNILLA, VENTURA, AND MASFERRER as members
of a liberating army would be sufficient to send back to the Castro ranks
many a defector.
At this point, it will be necessary to emphasize that this report is the
product of several interviews with highly placed members of the Frente including
most of the leaders and represents their views. For obvious reasons
the writer has not attempted to contact the U.S. agency involved.
It would also be necessary to emphasize that this report is the product
of several interviews with highly placed members of the Frente including
most of the leaders and represents their views. For obvious reasons
the writer has not attempted to contact the U.S. agency involved.
It would also be necessary to emphasize the gravity of the situation and
the future repercussions that this state of affairs can create both in Cuba
and Latin America.
FIDEL CASTRO's anti-American propaganda has made deep inroads in
the minds of Latin Americans. Propaganda tours have been arranged
to correct this situation but it is evident that such propaganda has to
be conducted by Latins who have easier access to the minds of their compatriots.
At present the majority of Cubans eligible to help in this important campaign
feel very disillusioned if not angry toward the United States because they
believe they are being exploited in their plea to free their country from
the tyranny of FIDEL CASTRO.
Respectfully submitted,
A.L. TARABOCHIA
Intelligence Agent
LT. FRANK KAPPEL, Supervisor
Criminal Intelligence
[document 2]
TRANSLATION FROM SPANISH OF A MEMORANDUM
BY DR. LUIS AGUILAR LEON
Every time that there was an attempt to talk or plan the unity, the biggest
worry of every representative of the groups has been the personal position
of every one of them, the possibilities that the unity would open to their
aspiration and the bigger or smaller remuneration's and side benefits that
they could obtain. In addition, there is total absence of political
vision. Representatives of the groups in exile who should support and
present the forces that fight in Cuba have managed to become directors and
guides of those who daily risk everything in the fight against Communism.
From there they have adopted false positions of leaders that do not exist
outside the newspapers of Miami or plans for the future which do not include
the true voice of the popular aspirations and last, there has been without
doubt, a weakness in regard to the promises or the reality of economical
help from the U.S. This help which was to be destined to strengthen
and enlarge an apparatus of fight, political and military, has been converted
in arbiter of disputes, in monopoly of wealth in lieu of aspirations.
Many a fighting group has been threatened openly to be left outside of the
American help if it did not accept this or that point. And many worthy
professional man has silenced his criticism and censure for fear that his
opinion would cause the cessation of this help. In reality, there were
cases like Anit VILLAREAL who was fired from the offices of the Frente and
left without any means of livelihood because she happened to disagree with
the policies of the movement to whom she belonged.
The fault of the Americans: Speaking of Americans, I have to clarify immediately
that I refer to those in charge of the Cuban situation - specifically, Mr.
Frank BENDER and his minor associates in Miami, like Mr. [Bernard] BARKER.
It is the personal opinion of the writer that the personal intervention
of Mr. BENDER in the conflict of the groups in exile has been the cause
of major dissension's and it has caused conflicts, delays and obstacles
that a serene and impartial performance would have avoided. Far from
utilizing his privileged position of donor of material, of economic subsistence
to unite and enlarge anti-CASTRO forces, Mr. BENDER almost from the beginning,
decided on a policy of preferences through a system of not listening to anyone
else except those who for some reason he conceded his preference by a method
of supporting some against others or of encouraging those more than these.
The result of this erratic and incomprehensible policy in a problem as serious
as that of Cuba is well described in the picture of the exiles in the first
section of this report. Not even Mr. BENDER's personal work,
the instrument created by him and through his mediation the organism which
has received the entire support and the backing of the powerful forces which
Mr. BENDER represents has succeeded, after nine months of existence, according
to the DIARIO DE LA MARINA last week, "Unite all the Cubans against their
own will". In the so-called "Frente Democratico Revolucionario", the
crises have followed upon crises. The defections have disturbed them.
The public arguments have reduced it and nothing positive has been done
so far as politics, ideology, propaganda or unity, without mentioning military
force, about which we will speak later.
Notes Concerning Mr. BENDER: What I have said above regarding Frank BENDER
implies an indictment that deserves to be clarified. Let's begin by
saying that we consider just as responsible for the errors and mistakes made
by BENDER those who accorded to just one man the destiny of the Cuban case,
turning him automatically into a supreme force and dreamier of all problems.
Having said this , let us go on to express some personal of all problems.
Having said this, let us go on to express some personal experiences which
need to sustain my thesis concerning Mr. Frank BENDER's actions.
In July 1960, the exile situation was very different. The Frente
Revolucionario Democratico had just been constituted and there were hardly
any persons or revolutionary organizations which were not within it, or which,
at least, did not expect to enter at the proper moment. The "Frente"
had announced that it was constituted by a group intended to integrate all
the forces that opposed Fidel CASTRO. Within the Frente, the organization
which appeared to be more powerful because of its nucleus of young fighters
having come from the rebel army itself was the Movimiento de Recuperacion
Revolucionaria. In that same month of July, in an absurd and incomprehensible
form, the MRR entered into a crisis. Its delegate at the front, Manuel
ARTIME BUESA, decided to constitute his own organization and expel the other
three members of the executive committee, the three commanders who had founded
the Movimiento. In view of the planed crisis, BENDER was consulted
and he recommended that nothing be done, that no public declaration be formulated,
and that he would take care of the ARTIME situation. On July 25, 1960,
ARTIME made a public statement revealing the expulsion of the three commanders
and setting himself up in a separate movement. In trying to speak with
BENDER to find out why ARTIME was permitted to express his version of the
situation, BENDER said that it was a question of supporting ARTIME and
leaving to Commandante LORIE. These were his words to Commander Antonio
Michel YABOR, and when the latter reasoned that the movement was weakened,
that the cause against Fidel CASTRO was going to suffer a blow, that there
was no moral or principle for the expulsion of a companion like Comandante
LORIE, Mr. BENDER only replied, "In matters of politics, there is no moral".
The result of Mr. BENDER's intervention far from being conciliatory, far
from attempting to avoid the breakup of the Frente caused quite the contrary.
Mr. BENDER encouraged ARTIME in his attitude. He tried to split up
even more the component of the MRR and succeeded in separating from the
Frente a strong group of fighters against Fidel CASTRO who would fight on
their own. This action was backed simply by his personnel in Miami,
especially Mr. BARKER, about whom exists a declaration in the MRR files signed
by the person to whom Mr. BARKER tried to employ for, according to his own
phraseology, "the destruction of commanders Antonio MICHEL and Nino DIAZ
[HIGINIO "Nino"DIAZ ANE]. Since then, and now I speak only by references
made, Mr. BENDER's partiality for Mr. ARTIME, his refusal to receive or hear
the reasons of other revolutionary groups which were becoming cohesive in
exile, his imposition of the Frente at all costs and without alternative,
his lack of political sense in hampering the Frente, are well known by all
those in exile. Three months after the division of the MRR, Dr. Aureliano
SANCHEZ ARANGO withdrew from the Frente Democratico Revolucionario.
After this, the door was closed to the group of Manolo RAY, important persons
of political prestige who might have strengthened the standing of the organism
were blackballed and lastly a month ago within the Frente itself there has
been a new division represented on one side by a group calling themselves
Grupo Generacional and on the other side by Dr. Antonio de VARONA and Dr.
Justo CARRILLO. The public argument, harsh and bitter, has reduced
even more, the prestige of the Frente as an organism spearheading the fight
against Communism. In the meantime, we had an interview with Mr. BENDER.
The only thing that the MRR asked was armed aid and some economic backing
destined only and exclusively for sending money to Cuba to fully support
our clandestine apparatus to maintain here the necessary personnel for communications
and arms shipments. Mr. BENDER's reply was clear - his economic aid
was exclusively for the Frente ("I can disband the Frente in 10 minutes -
all I need is to withdraw my checkbook" were his words.) For the others,
encouragement, moral support, friendship and some arms were available only
if his military advisors approved the destination and reception of said
arms. In his words, the MRR, the Ray Movement and those others outside
the Frente would have to operate on their own and without help. Unfortunately,
we were unable to convince Mr. BENDER nor were we able to have a valid explanation
from him as to why a group, whose only fault was trying with all its might
to fight the communist tyranny of Fidel CASTRO, was being abandoned and weakened.
The separation of Commander Nino DIAZ [HIGINIO "Nino"DIAZ ANE] of the MRR
was also encouraged and fomented by Mr. BENDER's assistants, especially Mr.
BARKER, who according to Commandante DIAZ, made him promises and offers to
reach certain positions or commands which would permit him to take the war
to Cuba as was his wish.
The Military Apparatus: In the military aspect, one of the most fundamentals
in the fight against Fidel CASTRO, not only identical but even greater errors
have been committed. On the one hand, Mr. BENDER has constantly affirmed
that the military instrument did not depend on the Frente, that the Frente
did not mean, nor was it necessarily, the future provisional government,
and on the other that all the declarations made by the components of the Frente,
all its political projections contradicted these affirmations and permitted
the support of the thesis that those who were going to fight and train in
the camp would do so in order to establish a provisional government integrated
by the directors of the Frente, which prospect was certainly not very encouraging
to many Cubans. To this is added the news that in some camps the doors
have been opened to certain figures of the past regime who distinguished
themselves by their criminal "exploits" against those who fought BATISTA.
Naturally, this has also lessened the enthusiasm for fighting by many compatriots.
The general staff of this army, whose names would throw some light upon the
intentions of the military apparatus to be formed, remain a mystery.
By such action, the only thing that has been accomplished is that within
and outside of Cuba, all kinds of rumors are being circulated about whom
these military figures are who will be charged to carry out the invasion
plan, and generally these rumors, encouraged by Fidel CASTRO propaganda,
have depicted an armed body charged more in punishing and avenging the Fidelistas
and the patriots than in carrying democracy and justice to Cuba. The
maneuvers, the conspiracies and the intrigue within the Frente necessarily
were reflected in the camps. We know for a fact that some four weeks
ago, several boys who escaped from the camps in order to bring to the Frente
direct information about the arbitrariness and the attempts at control which
had developed in their own camp. I do not think it necessary to go
further into this matter in order to demonstrate the nefarious effect which
such news has produced in all sections. That which appears even more
serious is that said boys who brought this information said they had proof
that some of the leaders of the Frente itself had much to do with the conspiracies
in the camp.
Conclusion: This is the ominous picture of the Cuban groups in exile.
The lack of patriotism, the personal ambitions and the nefarious influence
of Mr. BENDER, have given Fidel CASTRO the time necessary to increase his
strength and propaganda. Far from creating a united front, far from
uniting coherently the various groups, big or small, that have something
to bring to the fight, was the policy followed was that of choosing a small
handful and then trying to impose them at all costs. Not even the publication
and formulation of a program of objectives has been made, one that could
put a stop to CASTRO's claim that those who were against him are only interested
in bringing back the past. This report has been compiled with the intention
of bringing to the attention of whomever might be interested, the urgency
and desperate necessity to bring forth a policy of high ideals destined
to fight CASTRO on all fronts and to show new ways for Latin America, confused
and weakened by the formidable propaganda of the Communists and for the
absence of an ideology, firm and clean, that could attack Communism not
only in the defensive but in a vigorous offensive of material and spiritual
values.
LUIS AGUILAR LEON
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